Japan fails to grapple with past in Shōwa spectacle - FT中文网
登录×
电子邮件/用户名
密码
记住我
请输入邮箱和密码进行绑定操作:
请输入手机号码,通过短信验证(目前仅支持中国大陆地区的手机号):
请您阅读我们的用户注册协议隐私权保护政策,点击下方按钮即视为您接受。
FT商学院

Japan fails to grapple with past in Shōwa spectacle

The celebrations were enthusiastic but the country seems to have a hard time calibrating its relationship with what went before
00:00

{"text":[[{"start":6.7,"text":"It is now almost four weeks since the Nippon Budokan arena in Tokyo throbbed with the political oratory, military cabaret and epochal heft of the Shōwa Era 100th Anniversary Ceremony. My exhaustive personal quest has yet to find a single person who thinks the formula worked. "}],[{"start":25.3,"text":"The event managed, in the view of many of the public who watched it online, to come off as offensively inoffensive, consciously forgetful and turgidly trivial. As someone who experienced it live, that analysis is spot on. "}],[{"start":39.9,"text":"Yet the set-up had real promise. A full century has passed since Hirohito ascended to the Japanese throne, starting the 1926-1989 imperial era known as Shōwa. His reign began in oppressively dark times, which became crueler and more anguished before evolving, through wartime defeat and foreign occupation, into the modern Japan of salarymen and Dragon Ball. If there has been a national squeamishness about acknowledging Shōwa’s full timeline of tumult, horror, hubris, guilt, tragedy and rebirth as an unbroken continuum — and there has — a government-organised 100th anniversary might have been the opportunity for a courageously holistic embrace."}],[{"start":83.1,"text":"That opportunity was calculatedly missed. Before the ceremony began the audience — a mixture of politicians, military top brass, students, foreign diplomats, corporate chieftains and senior civil servants — was treated to a montage cataloguing the Shōwa era. Well, just the good bits. The selected footage dwelt heavily on the hard work, optimism and cautious licence to enjoy itself that defined Japan’s revival through the 1950s, 60s and beyond. Mention of how it got there, however, was infinitesimal. Even the ruinous peacetime madness of the 1980s bubble era was clipped in favour of a wholesome video of a steam engine racing a bullet train."}],[{"start":122.94999999999999,"text":"Once that was done, the emperor and empress arrived on stage and were seated before a gold screen: their role, as ever, being to say nothing and maintain impeccable poise whatever is going on in their vicinity. This cannot have been easy. As many have pointed out, the bowdlerisation of the Shōwa era was comprehensive but to deny the emperor the chance to say a few words about his grandfather was just plain odd. "}],[{"start":148.45,"text":"Why is it that Japan, for all its lavish celebration of history, has such a very hard time calibrating its relationship with the past?"}],[{"start":157,"text":"Even those who should have been delighted seemed uncomfortable. An old friend of mine — an unimpeachably nationalist hardliner sitting near the front — was somehow able to spend two hours with a uniformed naval band in crescendo, the emperor on stage, the Scout Association of Japan’s finest ranked nearby and a giant Japanese flag looming over proceedings yet described himself as “very disappointed” that a more complete picture was not painted. "}],[{"start":185.8,"text":"The keynote speech by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi deployed the sort of weaponised nostalgia for which a lot of people in Japan above the age of 60 (so a third of the country) are increasingly guilty. "}],[{"start":199.55,"text":"After reciting a white-knuckle list of current-day woes from demographic oblivion to collapsing global order, the PM’s solution to the young ’uns in the room was that “now more than ever we must learn from our predecessors who lived through the turbulent Shōwa era . . . and spun a tale of hope”. "}],[{"start":215.9,"text":"To rub this message in, Takaichi then gave way to the band of the Maritime Self Defence Forces — a brass-buttoned ensemble led by two crooners belting out a medley of classics from the relatively jolly post-1960s bits of Shōwa, rather than more problematic decades."}],[{"start":233.25,"text":"The songs were all hits but the apex was “Get Wild”, a song of magisterial 1987 machismo that caused Takaichi to lead large swaths of the audience in clapping along. One MP leapt to his feet in what turned out to be a solitary bid to escalate the euphoria."}],[{"start":253,"text":"The emperor and empress’s smiles remained admirably neutral. But behind them, captured perfectly by TV cameras just as the singer reached the line “get wild and tough, get chance and luck”, sat an unnamed lady in waiting wearing the grimace of someone who suspects that Japan has run out of all four. "}],[{"start":280.1,"text":""}]],"url":"https://audio.ftcn.net.cn/album/a_1780151437_1753.mp3"}

版权声明:本文版权归FT中文网所有,未经允许任何单位或个人不得转载,复制或以任何其他方式使用本文全部或部分,侵权必究。

AI如何改变体育观赛的“游戏规则”

观众将有更多机会告别高价订阅和固定排播,转向更个性化的内容推送。

SK海力士巨额售股昭示市场过热

也许对那些投资周期更长的人来说,市场异象不会永远持续,这多少算是一点安慰。

英国的国家实力困局

英国的军事实力和全球影响力已跌至战后低点,在动荡的世界中使这个国家更加暴露于风险之下。

阿里•哈梅内伊之后的伊朗

伊朗最高领袖下葬后,他的儿子穆杰塔巴将不得不直面重重挑战,而公众对其仍知之甚少。

韩国AI芯片热潮:富有与更富有的分野

半导体从业者获得巨额奖金,让那些传统上被视为体面高薪的职业从业者感觉自己相对吃亏。

勒庞、法拉奇与民意的裁决

这两位右翼领导人试图通过选票寻求自救。
设置字号×
最小
较小
默认
较大
最大
分享×